The author's youthfulness helps to assure the inevitable comparison with the Anne Frank diary although over and above the sphere of suffering shared, and in this case extended to the death march itself, there is no spiritual or emotional legacy here to offset any reader reluctance. Throughout its long embattled history Ukraine has formed alliances with several nationalities in attempts to survive – with the Ottoman Empire, Vikings (and then Sweden), Poland (several times), Belarus, Austria, and Germany - and with Russia right on the periphery, believing Ukraine was “Little Rus” and belonging to Russia. Ukrainian history is interwoven with Russia, the Ottoman Empire, Poland. Lithuania, Austro-Hungarian Empire (Galicia) and several other European countries. The first Maidan (Ukrainian word for square) was considered to be October 1990, the second was in 2004 and the third in 2013 and 2014. Think of Ukrainian independence attempts after Kyivan Rus, as first 1918 in Kyiv and Lviv, second 1939 in Transcarpathia, and third 1941 in Lviv. Then comes the real deal in 1991, when Ukrainians went to the polls to vote their future. 90% wanted independence. One week after Ukrainian citizens voted for independence, the Soviet Union was dissolved; as Yeltsin explained, without Ukraine, Russia would be simply “outnumbered and outvoted by the Muslim Republics”. Gorbachev’s resignation speech marked the end of the Soviet Union. The author discusses anti-Semitism, the Holodomor (where close to four million people perished in Ukraine in a famine caused by Stalin), and the devastation caused by the Second World War. There was another famine after World War II when Stalin put priority on industrial development over agriculture. Close to one million died.

Moscow, that is the Greater Russian nation, has always been hateful to our Little Russian nation; in its malicious intentions it has long resolved to drive our nation to perdition.” He goes to great length, as well, to talk about the cultural differences that developed between the Rus of Kiev and the Rus in Muscovy, and the religious and cultural changes that occurred under the tutelage of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. The desire for independence throughout history did not always exist, but Ukraine developed its own national identity throughout history due to its connections to other European states, and its closeness to the Turkic and Tartar tribes that inhibited the Crimean region. These were the more interesting parts of the book. But soon he began to change his mind. History, after all, is a weapon in this conflict. Vladimir Putin’s justification for his aggression towards Ukraine is rooted in his (twisted and faulty) understanding of the past. He even wrote a sprawling, inaccurate essay laying out his views in 2021, titled On the Historical Unity of Russians and Ukrainians. Plokhy began to feel compelled to fight the Russian president’s terrible history writing with good, solid history writing of his own. For me, the later chapters - c 1900 onwards were especially interesting and helped to give some context to the more recent troubles, particularly those involving its bullying neighbour (Soviet) Russia. Kyivan Rus' development stretched over hundreds of years, but its end came abruptly. Kyivan Rus', a polity with no generally recognized date of birth, has a definite date of death. It occurred on December 7, 1240, when yet another wave of invaders from the Eurasian steppes, the Mongols, conquered the city of Kyiv. The city of Kyiv diminished in importance under Mongol rule (also known as the Golden Horde). In a decisive battle in 1362, Lithuanian and Rus’ forces defeated the a leading tribe of the Golden Horde. The Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth subsequently controlled the Ukrainian region for many years.I also appreciate his fairly balanced presentation of the complex history of the relationship between Ukraine and Russia. He relates both the good and the bad as well as the difference of opinion within the Ukrainians communities themselves. While many Ukrainians living in Russian Imperial lands longed for Ukrainian autonomy there were also the Russophiles who lived in the Austrian controlled lands. The history of Ukrainian opinion about Russia has been varied and Plokhy does well to present this. A cumulation of short stories that provide us with a history of an extraordinary country, culture and people. Told in, my nescient view, a most entertaining and engrossing fashion. Until the end of the eighteenth century, most of Ukraine… would remain divided between Poland and Russia. The division would have profound effects on Ukrainian identity and culture. As Plokhy explains, today's crisis is a tragic case of history repeating itself, as Ukraine once again finds itself in the center of the battle of global proportions. An authoritative history of this vital country, The Gates of Europe provides a unique insight into the origins of the most dangerous international crisis since the end of the Cold War. The [Russian] imperial minister of education Count Sergei Uvarov formulated the foundation of the new Russian imperial identity: autocracy, Orthodoxy, and nationalism… Uvarov’s nationality was not general, but specifically Russian… They gather into one whole the sacred remnants of Russian nationality. That nationality included Russians, Ukrainians, and Belarusians.

One of the problems with reading national histories, especially those of the former-Soviet states, is that they tend to be written from the author's political viewpoint. For example, a history of the Republic of Moldova may feature either a pro-Romanian or a pro-Russian emphasis, depending on the author's personal views.As I mentioned before, I wanted a little something that would open my eyes to some of my ancestral roots, as well as offer me the history and politics of a region about which I know so little. Plokhy does this in an even-handed manner, mixing social, cultural, and political history together in an easy to digest format. The book tries not to skim, but it is almost impossible to delve in too deeply and still offer up a book that can be carried from one place to another. Plokhy’s arc of Ukrainian history opens the discussion, but never does he profess to having all the answers or to be the final word on the matter. While I refuse to call it a primer, this book does lay some basic foundations for those who want to learn more. Plokhy’s writing style is also easy to comprehend, offering readers lots of information in a relevant format. Depending on the topic at hand, chapters can be short or more detailed, permitting to reader to extract what they want before moving along. Written in English, there was little I felt I might be missing at the hands of a translator, which helped me feel confident in my reading, though I am sure Plokhy has been able to thoroughly research the topics in their original languages, as well as relying on other historians who have taken the leap before him. While the region may not be of interest to all, I can see many readers learning a great deal, even if they chose only to read key chapters in the book: lead-up to the Great War through the the Cold War fallout. While I never promote ‘parachuting’ into a book, I admit this was the section that interested me most and allowed me to extract a great deal of information to whet my appetite and cultivate a stronger understanding of familial roots. I suppose I will have to see if I cannot better comprehend what led my family to leave Ukraine and settle in Saskatchewan. The Prairie West does have a strong Ukrainian population and Plokhy has given me some good ideas why this might be the case. A sympathetic survey of the history of Ukraine along the East-West divide, from ancient divisions to present turmoil.

This is present-minded history at its most urgent. Anyone wanting to understand why Russia and the West confront each other over the future of Ukraine will want to read Serhii Plokhy's reasoned, measured yet passionate account' Michael Ignatieff Aceasta nu este o lucrare pop-science. Acesta este un adevărat manual de istorie, care nu doar înșiră o succesiune de evenimente și figuri, ci te face să înțelegi fenomene. Dogged original research and superb narrative skills come together in this gripping account of pitiless evil.

Retailers:

Russia loses the Crimean War to the British and French. Britain and France wanted to dominate the Mediterranean by force and Russia was in their way with Russia’s warm water port at Sevastopol. Russia sells Alaska to get money to hold on to the Crimea and develop railways. The railways helped Russia to regain its right to a Sevastopol navy after French defeat in the Franco-Prussian War. By mid-nineteenth century, forced-labor became the technique for the cash-strapped empire. Yalta became the summer capital of the empire. Even Chekhov had a house in Yalta. “Ukraine accounted for 75 percent of all exports of the Russian Empire.” Foreigners helped develop the Ukrainian south. Before the Russian Revolution, foreign companies controlled the 50% of Ukrainian steel, and most of its pig iron, coal and machinery. In 1905, Ukrainian became legal as a language again. It was a bright time for Ukrainian nationalism and Ukrainian clubs appeared. Ukraine’s blue and yellow comes from Galicia where they had been part of its coat of arms. Just before the Russian Revolution, Ukraine had both de jure and de facto independence from Russia. But by 1919, Ukrainian statehood was no longer possible. Trotsky was a native of the Ukraine. Think of the right bank of the Dnieper as agricultural while the left bank had the industrial areas. Due to constant repression from several ethnicities, many Ukrainians left for the United States and Canada in the early 1900s – over 600,000. This set up a base for a growing and flourishing diaspora. As Ukraine is embroiled in an ongoing struggle with Russia to preserve its territorial integrity and political independence, celebrated historian Serhii Plokhy explains that today's crisis is a case of history repeating itself: the Ukrainian conflict is only the latest in a long history of turmoil over Ukraine's sovereignty. Situated between Central Europe, Russia, and the Middle East, Ukraine has been shaped by empires that exploited the nation as a strategic gateway between East and West-from the Romans and Ottomans to the Third Reich and the Soviet Union. In The Gates of Europe, Plokhy examines Ukraine's search for its identity through the lives of major Ukrainian historical figures, from its heroes to its conquerors. The author explains as well the religious intricacies of the Uniate Church (a blend of Orthodox and Catholicism) and Russian Orthodox. There has always been a pull of Ukrainian nationhood towards the West. The brutalization by the Soviet Union to Ukraine culture (and also Eastern European countries and the Baltic countries) encouraged this Western pull. Even with the dominance of Russia/Soviet Union of Ukraine over the centuries, there was always a stirring and simmering of Ukrainian nationalism to form a country. De la primele triburi războinice din stepă la Rusia Kieveană - ironic, mai mult Kieveană decât Rusie, pentru ca e vorba de fapt de vikingul Rus'-, la cazacii care trezesc conștiința națională și călugării kieveni din secolul XVII care fac greșeala fundamentală să creeze conceptul de malo ruși (micii ruși), în încercarea de a obține protecția țarilor, o sintagmă ce încă dă apă la moară unui dictator dement din secolul XXI, până la Holodomor și Holocaust, Ucraina Sovietică, cele trei Maidane și anexarea Crimeei + războiul separatist din Donbass, Plokhy (Plohîi în altă grafie) dă mult de lucru cititorului. Mult și greu. Precum istoria acestei țări hărțuite neîncetat de toate imperiile din zonă, mai ceva ca România (la ei au mai fost și Polonia și Lituania, pe lângă toti rușii, otomanii, austro-ungarii, nemții). Dar în final ajungi la ceva foarte dificil de realizat, mai ales zilele astea: o viziune de ansamblu a unei situații extrem de complicate.